"Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement." V.I. Lenin, "D. Engels On the Importance of the Theoretical Struggle," What is to be done? BURNING QUESTIONS of our MOVEMENT. 1.
There is some nonsense squabbling going on among anti-jihadis recently, not merely the public mental illness on display by Charles Johnson of Little Green Footballs, but further afield, among some whom I respect as writers and thinkers, not Dinesh D'Sousa or Lawrence Auster but from Andrew Bostom, Diana West, and Robert Spencer, among others. Such is the nature of political/social movements. Refer to Christianity, Clement of Alexandria and Origen, Arius and Ireneaus, as examples of sectarianism; or to Robespierre and Danton, Saint Just and Marat from the French Revolution; or Lenin and Plekhanov and Stalin and Trotsky from the Russian Revolution. Sectarian battles are the nature of our game. It's either naive or sentimental to think we have to like each other and compromise on issues of import for the sake of a unified front against our enemies. That is untrue. What matters to us as revolutionaries, for such we are, is success in our efforts. As revolutionaries we are at war, in an immediate "killing and dying" sense, against not only the jihad but against our own Left dhimmi fascist component within Modernity itself. Each day around the world we experience the murder of many at the hands of jihadis bent on Islamic domination of the world and its peoples. It has been such with Islam since Mohammed returned to Mecca in January 630, known to Muslims as Fatah-e-Mubeen or The Glorious Victory. Islam too has its internecine struggles, as we see in the murders of Ali and his family and the advent of Shi'a. There is no purity, and sentimentality does not benefit us. In a revolutionary struggle such as ours, there is victory or there is death. That is hardly an over-statement, given the obvious aggression of Islam since 623 A.D., when Mohammed and his followers, based at Yathrib, renamed Madinat un-Nabi, "City of the Prophet," began their terror campaign that continues to this day. Factionalism occurred during the days and years following Mohammed's succession; it continues to this day among Muslims; we face factionalism among ourselves. Where we fail and others have succeeded is in our lack of revolutionary theory to base a revolutionary movement of triumph for the sake of universal Modernity. Without a revolutionary theory, our revolutionary movement will not live, will not grow, will not triumph, and we and ours will die. So let the others squabble; and let us plan our revolutionary theory.
Are we revolutionaries?
Indeed we are, and the most disruptive of the world order that history and man have ever seen or dreamt. But! But we are conservators of our cultures, our lands' traditions, our social orders. Not revolutionaries, we are, if not conservatives, preservers of the norm. We wish to preserve our way of life from harm and outright destruction. No, it is they who are revolutionaries, bringers of chaotic and harmful change, and destruction. No revolutionaries, we.
We are in fact the demiurges of destruction, makers of new worlds, creators of a new life for man on Earth. What life has been for man immemorially, we have laid it waste and destroyed it worldwide. We few. We happy few.
Those few who ceased their endless round of hunting and gathering like beasts in the wild and who settled and planted are our prototypes, revolutionaries of Agriculture. They began our cities, our Polis; they began our shared living among strangers, our Civitas; they began our long march to a Communion of Equals, our Relgio. The agricultural revolution. It was nothing compared to what our recent ancestors did to the life of man. And they are nothing compared to us, we who are revolutionaries of Promethean stature. "We are now become death. We are destroyers of worlds." We are indeed revolutionaries.
Circa 1750 in the cold mists of England a new revolutionary surge began that has, over the days and weeks and years since, now evolving into centuries, transformed LIfe itself, the very living materials of being, into works of Man himself. We are destroyers; we are creators; we are demi-gods. The Triune Revolution, that of Industry which turned man's pitiful physical energies into this profound and universal mental energy that propels us to further orbits than the Earth's; the American Revolution that frees man from poverty and privilege and feudalist slavery, allowing man to become Man; and the French Revolution, that blood bath of the parasites of mankind that shows us the universality of Liberty, Brotherhood, and Equality; that Triune Revolution is still so new, so young, so feeble in its steps toward maturity that we still stumble and sometimes fall, always rising to move on further, faster, more capably, gives us a prominent place in the pantheon of Titans, of Olympians, of Gods. That pitiful and starving creature that was man, hostage to cruel yet mindless Nature and the brute force of evil men, is now free: Revolutionary!
We few. This freedom we have, this revolution in human relations to man and nature, is limited to a few across the world. Too few, that which is the right of every man. Those who have this precious freedom stand to lose it to those who hate the freedom of Man. they, the reactionaries who delight in the previous regime, the state of man as farm animal tended and bled for the satisfaction of the Gnostic sadist elite, for the sake of the communal cowards and masochist toadies. Not everyone loves freedom. Some hate it more than death. In fact, it is death they love, the grandness of death as spectacle of their worthless transformation into the eternal. The worm-ridden soul of the dhimmi clinging to his illusions of moralism as his high-point in life acheived in death as heroism ans validation of the rightness of his moralistic suffering, demands that all obey his dhimmitude and laud it, suffer for his moral vanity and spectacle of suffering, as if we care, as if his worthless existence is redeemed by death, as if his death after a worthless life is sacrificial and ennobling. Good bye, dhimmi. They hate our freedom, our happiness, our love of life, our lowly private selves as individuals free from their moralistic "suffering" for humanity. Free-- from them! And they fight to retain their previous status as martyrs just and true. The dhimmis demand that we applaud their deaths and dirty displays of slavery, and that we do so as underling slaves of dhimmis. They hate life, and they hate more still those of us who scoff at their "suffering" on our behalf. Who needs these fools when we have our own lives to live in freedom. It drives them to madness to be so ignored. They wish only to destroy our freedom, our Revolutions.
Until the rise of the Industrial Revolution, man was trapped by the slavery of energy: that man's energy is limited to nearly nothing, and that if man demands power, he must harness the energies of other men to become powerful. Slavery. Machines make movement possible that man alone cannot achieve no matter how enslaved he is. Machines make freedom possible through energy man can never achieve alone, no matter how many men sweat and die for it. energy is freedom. Machines provide both in abundance. It is a revolution the likes of which man could not dream till it began to unfold in Britain 250 years ago. Even then it drove men mad to see the skies turned black with smoke like Satan's mills belching across England's green and pleasant lands. That black, choking smoke was a by-product of freedom for mankind. To this day many hate it.
As men left the fields to tend machines in new-formed cities, they left the communal, the ties that bind, the fasces, as it is known in Latin, the weak bound round the strong authority of the state. Those bonds were broken by machines that free men from the fasces. Freedom for wage slavery? Give me more. I have no love of the commune, of its tender bonds of starvation and endless limitedness. But the community! We are all one! And I for one am certainly one, of myself alone, free from that. I hail the Revolution that has brought this freedom from "community." I am not a strand of the fasces any longer, bound tightly and forever to the authority of the power of the State. Me. Free.
The Left, using Islam as proxy, would destroy our freedom to regain their privilege as sadist owners of man as farm animal, powerless beast doing their work for them, they having no energy of their own. Their cries of "community" and the "sharing and caring" of the commune fall on my deaf ears. I'm too deaf to hear them from the pounding of my ploughshare into a sword. I love this revolution, and I intend to fight for its advance across the Earth into the World.
In the early decades of the nineteenth century there was, as there will be again, a movement of Manifest Destiny: that we are destined to spread our Revolution across the Earth to the World in the struggle to free all of mankind; freedom for all, a filibuster, as it was then called, an armed campaign to spread freedom everywhere to every man, a filibuster for universal Modernity. That, dear reader, is a revolutionary theory in the making.
If some squabble over the details of it, if they wish to dither and fiddle, then let them do so as is natural and right in nature. Meanwhile, let us look further at what is to be done.
To be continued.