Wednesday, June 01, 2005

Islam is fascism

Haj Aim, Mufti of Jerusalem, unreformed Nazi until his death in the 1970s, isn't simply a Moslem anti-imperialist siding with the Nazis during World War Two because he was upset with British occupation of Transjordania and the Palestine Mandate. Haj Amin was a full-blown Nazi because he was first a full-blown fascist. And his fascism arose from Islam as it is, Islam as a religion, as a political ideology, as a poligion, as a primitivve tribal expression of savages living in the modern world--and hating it.

Paul Berman, from a 2004 lecture in Toronto, Canada , writes of Islam that it is a totalitariansim and that "Totalitarian movements have always featured the same myth: There is a people of God, and they have been afflicted by pollutants from within their society as well as cosmic forces from abroad. Then good people rise up in an act of rebellion and wipe out the evil inflluences." 1.

It is a central thesis at this site that Islam is a fascism; dhimmitude is a fascist collaboration; and the Left is in a state of collusion with the fascist Islam. We will therefore spend some time on this topic directly, on fascism itself, looking at Islam as only one aspect of fascism, though as the most threatening in our time, and at dhimmitude as a fascist enabler in the world today. When we know the roots of Islam in fascism we will see clearly the branches of Islamic fascism and Left fascism as well. Islam is a totalitarianism, and it is a fascist totalitarianism, far different from classical Left totalitarian socialism, the latter of which has turned into a pimp for its Isamic client. Before we turn to the analysis of post-modern Left fascism we will look claosely at European fascism of the 19th and 20th centuries to see why we face fascism today in Islam. Bermans lecture is clear and concise on this topic.

He continues: "After the apocalyptic war to purge these elements, a perfect ssociety was predicted, be it a proletarian utopia, or a new Roman Empire, or a Reich to last a thound years. These movements were based on the impossible goal of creating a perfect society." The perfect 'in the future' is a recurring theme in all fascist ideologies. And so it the myth of the lost and once perfect glorious past of the chosen few now so badly cheated of it by THEM. The future perfect justifies the means by which those struggling for it employ. Mass murder for the perfect society is a small price to pay for perfection eternal. Short term pain for long term gain, and for a return to the perfect past, the time when we were nearly gods, and the age was golden. The current decadent state of affairs isn't due to anything the People have or have not done but to the conspiracy of the Others. The fascist believes his past can be reclaimed once the present is destroyed and with it the influences that are alien to him and his own. It must be a romantic past to which he turns, not to a practiacal future. The practical is not perfect, and the romantic fascist longs only for perfection. If the imperfect must die in the process, too bad for them. Except that by dying for the Cause they share in some of the 'to come' greatness, they become like martyrs. The banality of practicality is crushed under the weight of grandness, of High Romance, in Death.

"A key feature of each of these totalitarian movements was a cult of death-- epitomized by the Spanish fascist slogan viva la muerte," [Long live death..] All fascisms are a denial of the petty, the mundane, the bourgeios pursuits of middle-class living in the modern world. All fascisms revert to irrationality and Romance for sustainence and validation. Nothing in the here and now is good or glorious; but the Grand Gesture, dying as public drama, takes the average loser out of the mire of his own existence and propells him into thoughts of his life as a hero in a Romanitic tragedy, one in which he is in control. And in a death worship culture, dying en mass is as good as dying alone. Dying within a wave of ones fellows is as grand a gesture as the public display of suicide in the arena. In a death worship culture, death is the greatest posible acheivement of ones life, an ennobling act for the worthless. The culture that promotes such suicide is also ennobled by the suicides of its populace, feeling a rush of exaltation in mass slaughter and mass heroic ritual death.

Suicide culture, death worship culture, is only possible in a phantasy culture, one that lives for a time other than today and the foreseeable future. Rome, though it had its gladiatorial suicides, was a practical society, and the death worship it practiced applied to the worship of death to the others, not to Rome. Those who volunteered to die as drama did so from a psychotic machismo rather than for some idealistic sense of their own future in the afterlife. In the phantasy culture of islam, death is phantasy, the fulfillment of fascist Romance myrthology. In the phantasy culture of Islam, there is no conception of change or progress. There is in this life only this existence in this manner and more of the same for others to come forever--unless there is the violent return to the perfect past, after which, again, there will be no change. There is no change other than the cycles of the seasons, the endless recurrence of the same. And to transcend the banality of such, one has the chance to die grandly for the grand cause of returning all to the perfection of the lost past. There is no freedom from the present, there is only an escape into a future paradise elsewhere. There is a deep longing in many for the mythical mystical past of heroes and fair damsels living meaningful lives without the burdens of broken bank-machines and clocks and traffic jambs. "For those whom life has cheated, those without the electric paradise" of cinema, (2) for those who have nothing but their own stupidity and boredom and inarticulate frustration with personal failure in the modern world, there is the grandness of death. For failed societies and societies that retain a peasant population with an attachment to land as value and tradition as authority, there is only death as redemption in reaction to modernity, violence in the futile attempt to make things in conformity to the nostalgic lunacies of phantastic pasts. Their is suicide.

Berman compares anti-modernity, fascism, to modernity where "people who have human rights, who are free to think for themsleves, will make rational descisions about the kind of society they want. But the whole spirit of totalitarian movements goes against this. It stands against the liberal ideal of tolerance and rationality, and instead promotes a mythology devoted to death."

Berman writes that it is typical of the West that we do not grasp the nature of fascism in our midst until we find ourselves attacked by it. We see ourselves attacked on a daily basis by the forces of Islam, by Islamic demands for the imposition of sharia laws in our nations, by assaults on our freedoms to speak in public, by the imposition of Islamic education on our school systems, by the occassional murder of those who dare speak out against fascist Islam. We are, the point being, ignoring Islam as a fascist threat. It is a threat dedicated to death, not to middle-class progress. Dedicated to total control of the lives of all rather than to the pursuit of free enquiry. Isklam is fascism. Islam is evil. It is a peril. We must annihilate Islam.

In 1922, Mussolini came to power seeking to refound the Roman Empire. In 1928, a few hundred miles away in Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood was formed and called itself a fundamentalist Islamic organization. But it was a political organization as well. Its goal: refounding the great Muslim empire created ty Mohammed in the 7th century. One of the branches that emerged from the Moslem Brotherhood came to power in Iran in 1979.

The Western world stood back in a state of apathy and nervousness when the mullahs took control of Iran. There, total Islamic fascism triumphed.

The success of totalitarian movements rested on the blindlness of liberal-minded people. After 9/11, George W. Bush attacked [Afganistan and Iraq.] He failed to articulate an appreciation of how bloody and deeply rooted the underlying movements truly were.... Bush wasn't able to situate them in the larger narrative of fanatical movements devoted to totalitarian ideals, a narrative that shold have been recognizable from the history of the previous century.

After discussing the world's largest ever peace rally in Feb., 2003 in protest agianst the invasion and deposing of Iraq's fascist Baath governemnt, Berman concludes his lecture thus:

The United States and its allies are facing the confusion that, history shows, has traditionally plauged liberal-minded people in the face of totalitarian movements. As much as terrorism itself, this confusion remains one of the great problems of our time. And dispelling it remains one of our great challenges.

Perhaps many people who consider themselves leftists, and certainly most of those who think of themselves as libeal are not supportive of fascism, per se. However, if we do not have a clear idea of what fascism is, we stand in line of being hit by fascist propaganda and not knowing what it is. We must fully understand the ground of our ideological differences with fascist Islam so as to know where we cross the line from being liberal people with concerns for the rights of others into the wasteland of dhimmi collaboration with fascist Islam. Once we can clearly identify the landmarks of our intellectual landscapes, then we can formulate a clear programme to combat Islam; we can form a party of professional revolutionaries; present our enemies with a Melian Dialogue; and take them over in a sustained burst of fillibustering colonialism in the pursuit of Modern Triumph. We must know clearly though what our dhimmi neighbours and statesmen are doing, and so must they. thus we will continue to analyse fascism in future posts. We will see that Haj Amin is the uncle of Yasser Arafat, and that Islam is the uncle of Nazism. We will see clearly the face of our enemies.

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